In the wake of the Nagas’ recent continuous call for international/third-party intervention in the conflict between India, Myanmar, and the Naga people, which began with the declaration of Naga independence from the colonial British empire on August 14, 1947, a declaration that did not receive desired international recognition, the Naga homeland was occupied by India and Myanmar, which subsequently divided the Nagas into two countries. The Nagas’ recent activities revealed a “paradigm shift” in Naga public/organization opinion: there is now growing/renewed support for international/third-party intervention in the conflict. This shift, combined with India’s and Myanmar’s intention to present it as a matter of “internal law and order” in their respective countries, has shifted the approach, and the conflict has returned with a clear message that one of the longest-running international conflicts is still alive.
First, while the current Indian government emphasized legitimizing the election in Nagaland (a state formed under the union of India by craving out from other Naga areas) and delegitimizing the Naga National Movement, India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi himself was campaigning for the state election in Dimapur, Nagaland on February 24, 2023. On the other hand, the Naga student body, represented by the Dimapur Naga Students Union (DNSU), had called for third-party international and United Nations (UN) mediation in resolving the more than seven-decade-long conflict right in front of the venue where Modi was addressing the state election rally.
Second, the Nagas challenged India and Myanmar’s occupation of Naga’s homeland with a peaceful demonstration in Delhi on March 2, 2023, in front of the G20 Foreign Ministers Meeting (FMM) venue in New Delhi, India’s capital. The Concerned Nagas in Delhi had outrightly stated that “Occupation of Naga homeland by India and Myanmar is ILLEGAL”, “Seek Third-party / International Intervention” to the conflict and had called India to “Honour the Indo-Naga Framework Agreement of 2015”.
Third, in what could have been a successful demonstration to the world that the Nagas were content with India’s or Myanmar’s occupation of the Naga homeland, the situation appears far more complicated than expected when the powerful Naga Students’ Federation (NSF) greeted Prime Minister of India Modi with a peaceful demonstration over the conflict amid the new government swearing-in ceremony on March 7, 2023, in Kohima with slogans clearly reminding that “the conflict is not over yet.” The NSF also stated that India / Modi should “Honour the Indo-Naga Framework Agreement of 2015” and that “Nagas want Inclusive, Honourable, and Acceptable Solution” to the conflict.
Fourth, the Naga Movement for International Recognition of the Naga Country as a Sovereign Nation has been steadily declining in recent years due to various reasons within the Nagas, which could be interpreted as the movement no longer exists. The push for international recognition and intervention in the conflict, however, appears to have accelerated again, as evidenced by a press release titled “Release All Naga Political Prisoners of War (NPPOWs)” issued on March 7, 2023, by the Ministry of Information and Publicity (MIP) of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim / Government of the People’s Republic of Nagalim (NSCN/GPRN). The press release questioned and challenged the action and position of India and Myanmar against the Nagas for defending their own country; highlighted why the conflict is a case of “invasion and illegal occupation”; and further went on to say that “We urge the international community to uphold and defend international fairness and justice, to promote an equal and uniform application of international law, and to reject double standards. We oppose the occupation of Nagalim, and the international community must immediately call India and Myanmar’s illegal occupation into question. The international community should remain committed to the right approach of promoting peace talks, assisting India, Nagalim, and Myanmar in the conflict, and creating conditions and platforms for the three entities to resume negotiations or call for an immediate withdrawal of occupying forces from Nagalim. The occupying countries, India, and Myanmar must immediately release all Naga Political Prisoners of War (NPPOWs).”
In contrast to India’s and Myanmar’s attempts to delegitimize the Naga National Movement, conducting state-imposed elections in various Naga regions under India and Myanmar is a means of establishing legitimacy control over the Naga homeland. As a result, when the Nagas boycotted the first Indian-imposed general election in the Naga region in 1952 (Ref: Samaddar, Ranabir (2004). The Politics of Dialogue: Living Under the Geopolitical Histories of War and Peace. Ashgate. pp. 171–173), it is very clear what the Nagas want; however, what has perplexed observers in recent times is that, despite various narratives of the Nagas being forced or willing to participate in the election, the situation appears to be complex and mixed in terms of what the Nagas want in terms of their political position.
The Nagas are divided on a variety of issues and positions, from how to resolve the conflict to who should represent the Naga people. However, a consistent approach can be seen in recent Naga public/organization opinion, which reflects that the Nagas will not succumb to India or Myanmar pressure, as clearly demonstrated by the slogans during the three peaceful demonstrations and a press release by the NSCN/GPRN in regards to the political reality of the Naga people and their homeland; and, it has emphasized in a more powerful way why the occupation of the Naga homeland is illegal, and they oppose it. As a result, if any of the three opposing parties, India, Myanmar, and the Naga people, push their agenda more aggressively, the results will be unexpected and may contain both good and bad news. But one thing is certain: unless there is an approach for political reality to be respected and honored, and if the conflict is not resolved, it poses threats to regional peace, stability, and human rights. The Nagas’ recent demand for international/third-party intervention in the conflict also reveals areas of opportunity where international/third-party efforts could influence a peaceful resolution to the more than seven-decade-long conflict between India, Myanmar, and the Naga people.
Author’s Disclosure Statement: Augustine R. is an independent researcher on the India-Naga-Myanmar political conflict, as well as on broader global security and strategic issues. He is also the Editor-in-Chief and Publisher of the International Council of Naga Affairs (ICNA) web publication platform and does not work for, consult for, own shares in, or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article/opinion.
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